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Smart Library on Globalization
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Gender Expectations May Stimulate More Conflict
Gender expectations play an important role in violent conflict. In the aftermath of genocide, ethnic cleansing and other types of violent conflict, normal expectations for men's and women's roles may become unworkable. This may lead to frustration and humiliation—and so feed back into the cycle of conflict—or it may provide new foundations for social relationships. New gender roles and social relationships may lead to new bases for alternatives to conflict.
Related Links: Violent Conflict Changes African Gender Relations The Politics of Culture in International Law Making Global Human Rights into Local Reality Five Challenges to Diffusing Women's Rights Law Overview: Rape and GenocideHow does gender factor into genocide, ethnic cleansing and other types of violent conflict? There is no simple answer says researcher Judy El-Bushra. Studies of violent conflict in six African nations find that, among other effects, violent conflicts tend to bring about dramatic changes in gender relationships. These changes, in turn, may either reinforce the cycle of violence or may provide bases for moving past the conflict. Gender and Violent Conflict El-Bushra maps out the complex relationship between violent conflict and gender in the following way (see Figure 1). Figure 1: Relationships between Violent Conflict and Gender Expectations
Immediate Impact: Breakdown in Social Fabric What is obvious is that violent conflicts have immediate effects on the lives of those caught up on the conflict. What might not be quite as obvious is that each of these effects changes the way that men and women relate to each other. For instance:
All of these immediate effects can make it impossible for men or women to meet gender expectations. The man may not be able to work. He may find himself at home taking care of children. The woman may have no choice but to find what work she can. In some cases prostitution may be the only option. These are not trivial expectations. Gender expectations get to the core of who the person understands themselves to be and make sense of how the world works. Shaking up gender expectations may mean not only a radical break with how the world is “supposed” to work, but also a radical break with a person's own expectations of himself or herself. Alternative Paths In El-Bushra's scheme, it is the reaction to the inability to meet gender expectations that, in part, influences whether the cycle of violence will be carried into the future or whether new forms for social relationships will form that may lead out of violence. The case studies of the six African countries attest to the negative effects of the frustration and humiliation over losing the ability to live up to gender expectations. Depression, drug use and domestic violence are common among men who are unable to live up to masculine ideals. As one Somali man put it: “Now we obey our women. Women sell tomatoes, maize, etc., and men are supported by their wives. They are taking us through this difficult time. There is no other support we are getting.” And it is not only the men who are frustrated. According to a woman in Kurtunwarey, Somalia: “I maintain my husband plus his father in Mogadishu. He is unemployed. What else can he do if the government service is not available? He has retreated to the house and the mosque, he doesn't come out. He and his father sat and waited for me just like my children for the 10 years of the civil war.” Children, especially young males raised in the context of violence where traditional means of conflict resolution have broken down, may become militarized. If a young man cannot find his place as a husband, provider, father, etc., he may turn to violence as a way of expressing his masculinity. This can lead to continued conflict and violence. But, frustration and humiliation are not the only ways people react to changes in gender roles. Both men and women may find the new roles liberating or empowering. This is especially the case with women. “I think people's thinking has changed. We came to Khartoum with different perceptions and traditions. Our old customs and traditions prohibited men from entering certain places such as the kitchen. Men also thought that women could not think, were useless, and had no right to have their voice heard. All these are things of the past; they have changed. This is one benefit of war, if wars have benefits. All family members have to work, both women and men. We cannot maintain the division of labor because there is no room for that.” (Interview with a separated displaced woman in Khartoum, Sudan) When traditional, male dominated hierarchies break down women may gain new opportunities. As an older woman in Agouni, Mali put it: Frankly, since these events we women are no longer ashamed, we are no longer cold in the presence of men. I'm aware that the men are not all that happy about this, it makes them nervous, furious, and none of that was done in the past. We came back [from exile] because we were promised consideration and respect. The most notable impact for me was that I learned to read, cook well, that wasn't possible [before]. The new roles that women are able to play in the family and the larger society may open up new roles for them in working for peace. This may provide a counterweight against the destructive outcomes of violent conflict. Bottom Line Gender expectations play an important role in violent conflict. In the aftermath of genocide, ethnic cleansing and other types of violent conflict, normal expectations for men's and women's roles may become unworkable. This may lead to frustration and humiliation—and so feed back into the cycle of conflict—or it may provide new foundations for social relationships. New gender roles and social relationships may lead to new bases for alternatives to conflict. Data and Methods:
Data Sources: Primary data were obtained from approximately 125 testimonies from respondents in five locations: Uganda, Mali, Somalia, Angola and Sudan. Additionally, the study drew on previously gathered testimonies from Rwanda. Information was gathered using a number of techniques including: oral testimony techniques (asking open ended questions and then encouraging the respondent to narrate their story with a minimum of researcher direction), participatory reflection and action methods (PRA), structured surveys, focus group discussions and transect walks. Data from secondary and official sources was also used. Funding Source: Not reported. Full Text Availability:
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Reference
El-Bushra, Judy. 2003. "Fused in Combat: Gender Relations and Armed Conflict." Development in Practice 13:252-265. Authors
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