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Some researchers suggest that there may be a relationship between attitudes about women's rights and women's health among the Shi'a population of southern Iraq. But does this relationship really exist?

Based on a survey of 1991 respondents (representing 16,520 household members) Lynn Amowitz and her colleagues report on domestic and regime-related human rights violations in southern Iraq following the Gulf War in 1991. The authors also gather data on men's and women's attitudes regarding women's rights. From their findings, they suggest that restrictive attitudes regarding women's rights has negative results on women's health.

The only problem is that the authors' data do not support their conclusion.

Authors Go beyond Their Data

The authors emphasize the importance of the relationship between women's rights and women and community health. If a relationship between these two things exist in southern Iraq, it is important. However, the authors do not demonstrate a clear association (much less a causal relationship) between attitudes regarding women's rights and women and community health.

The authors base their conclusion about this relationship on two points.

The rate of domestic violence (beating or being forced to have unwanted sex with the spouse). The authors report domestic violence by either spouse (husband beating wife and wife beating husband; forced sex by husband and forced sex by wife). While the rates of wife beating versus husband beating were different (8% and 3% respectively), the rates for forced sex were almost identical (3% wives being force to have sex and 2% for husbands). Additionally, there was no significant difference between sexes in terms of their belief that husbands had the right to beat their wives if they disobeyed (54% of women versus 50% of men).

If there is some relationship between women's rights attitudes and women's health, it isn't supported by the data since there is no difference in men's and women's attitudes on this point. (Interestingly, the authors did not ask a question about the appropriateness of husband beating—apparently assuming that attitudes and individual health were not relevant in this instance.)

Generalization from other geographic areas to southern Iraq. The authors cite a study that links attitudes about women's rights in Afghanistan in support of the assumed relationship in Iraq. However, there are a number of reasons to question whether this is the case including religious differences (for example: the predominance of Sunni Muslims in Afghanistan versus Shi'a Muslim in the study sample, demographic differences, differences in political regime, etc.). At any rate, if the same relationship between attitudes toward women and women's health holds in Iraq as it does in Afghanistan, then the authors do not demonstrate this. Rather, it is assumed.

Direction of a Causal Relationship?

The authors imply that attitudes towards women's rights affects the health of women and girls. In their final conclusion, the authors note, “...[R]estrictions on women's rights and/or ineffective representation may have significant, adverse health consequences for women and girls.” Beyond the fact that the authors do not even demonstrate an association between attitudes and health, suggesting that a causal relationship exists between these two things in southern Iraq goes far beyond the evidence.

Let's assume, for the sake of argument, that there does exist a causal relationship among attitudes toward women and women and community heath in southern Iraq. Even if this were the case, it is not at all clear which of these causes the other. For instance, in a situation of social turmoil and regime-related violence, it may be that attitudes about restricting women's educational or occupational access “at this present time” are a result of health risks (and not the other way around). That is, if wives and daughters are in danger when out in public because they are exposed to regime violence, then the attitude that their freedom of movement should be restricted may reflect a temporary desire (“at this present time”) to protect women and girls. In short, attitudes would be a result of health risks, not the other way around. Given the low rate of reported personal sexual assault (2%) by aggressors not associated with the Baathist regime (compare the 9% rate in Sierra Leone), one might suggest that the restrictions on women an girls is relatively effective in protecting them against sexual violence.

All that said, we are not suggesting that there is no association or a relationship (one way or another) between women's rights attitudes and women and community health. There may be, and the authors may be close to the truth. However, their data does not support this conclusion.

In short, the authors simply overstate their findings and assume a relationship (based on Western values?) rather than demonstrate it. The situation in southern Iraq is likely much more complex.

Bottom Line

Authors suggest that there may be a relationship between attitudes toward women's rights and women's health in southern Iraq following the Gulf War. However, the author's data do not support this conclusion.

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Attitudes about Women's Rights in Southern Iraq

Baath Party Groups Commit Human Rights Abuses in Southern Iraq